Up against an existential threat

Thanks to a tsunami of misinformation and disinformation, Canada is facing a threat to its democratic traditions that some experts say is “existential.”

In her final report on foreign interference in this country released last year, Justice Marie-Josée Hogue was very clear that whether they’re foreign or domestic, these campaigns represent the “single biggest threat to our democracy.”

While foreign states still rely on traditional meddling methods, they’re increasingly turning to more sophisticated technological means. Hogue told reporters that although traditional methods shouldn’t be underestimated, the greatest threat is disinformation spread across media and social media platforms.

“This threat is all the more nefarious because the means available to counter it are limited and very difficult to implement,” she said.

“Nevertheless, we must not give up, but rather attack it forcefully, all together.”

Around the world, governments are battling bad actors in this sphere, both foreign and domestic. These include Russia, China, Iran and most worryingly, the United States. Their goal is to weaken Canada’s societal bonds by sowing discord and amplifying divisions, particularly over hot-button issues like immigration, climate change, and religious tensions. Advancements in artificial intelligence have supercharged their propaganda arsenal.

“This is a whole new era,” says Kyle Matthews, co-founder and executive director of the Montreal Institute for Global Security.

“We are very vulnerable.”

Amid efforts to hold a referendum on Alberta’s independence, disinformation is making the rounds. Much of it is coming from south of the border, aimed at influencing the political process. Whether it’s in the form of memes, posts, or songs, national security experts say the province is “excessively vulnerable” to it.

"If there were a referendum in Alberta, there would be no one within the Alberta government who could analyze and collect data to ensure that the conversation about the referendum is not being manipulated by foreign actors,” Jean-Christophe Boucher, a University of Calgary political science professor who studies foreign interference, told Radio-Canada recently.

Patrick Lennox, a security consultant and former RCMP director of intelligence, echoed that concern, describing the province as “almost completely unready” for what’s happening.

“There is no capacity whatsoever to push back against that form of misinformation and disinformation that's going to happen,” he told Radio-Canada.

Finland’s fight against propaganda

Canada could look at other jurisdictions for inspiration on how to fight propaganda. This includes Finland, which is one of the world’s most successful resisters in the face of a steady flow of Russian propaganda from next door. The Nordic country’s primary defence against disinformation and misinformation isn’t stopping its spread, but managing its effects. It primarily uses its education system to build resilience.

“There is a lot we can learn from fellow middle powers that have made civic education part of their national security strategy,” says Sabreena Delhon, CEO of the Samara Centre for Democracy, a non-partisan organization focused on strengthening Canadian democracy.

Leo Pekkala, deputy director of the National Audiovisual Institute, which has been tasked with overseeing the media education of Finland’s 5.2 million people, says “education is key.”

While students are the primary focus, he notes that the younger generation also educates their elders on identifying propaganda, fostering a more informed and resilient society.

Media literacy has been part of Finland's school curriculum for decades. Policy makers there went a step further in 2012 by establishing a dedicated government office with a legal mandate to promote media literacy and civic engagement.

Over the last decade, Pekkala’s department has helped develop a broad-based, whole-of-society program. Critical thinking starts in kindergarten and continues through secondary school, promoting multiliteracy — the ability to obtain, process and verify information. It’s now considered a vital skill.

But their recommendations are not prescriptive. Pekkala says while his team sets the objectives, it is up to various organization to implement them.

“We are not telling any organization what it is that they should be doing, but we provide the goals, the vision of where we want to be,” he says.

The guidelines are issued after extensive engagement with educators, NGOs, enterprises, and other civil society organizations. The next set is due out this month.

Extra resources are not necessarily required, as Finnish educators weave media literacy into regular lessons and use any opportunity to instill awareness. For example, math teachers can demonstrate how algorithms amplify disinformation during class.

“I don’t think you can teach any subject today that wouldn’t be somehow connected to our digitized lives,” Pekkala says.

While he admits there are challenges, particularly reaching the older generation, the data shows they’re doing something right. Finland has held the top spot of the Media Literacy Index, published by the Open Society Institute, for several years.

Emulating the effort

The extent to which Canada could emulate Finland’s tactics is a matter of debate. Pekkala says Finland’s high trust in government, its small population, and a challenging language make it a difficult model to copy.

In Canada, education is a provincial responsibility, which makes it tough to formulate a national program. But some say Ottawa could help by working with provincial, territorial and Indigenous governments to incorporate media literacy into existing systems.

“The federal government has gotten involved in provincial matters in health and education during times of crisis, and we are in a crisis,” says Delhon.

“Our democracy is being threatened, so it’s important that we try new approaches.”

A recent report from the Standing Senate Committee on National Security, Defence and Veterans Affairs on Russian disinformation described the threat posed to Canada’s national security, democratic institutions and social cohesion as “urgent.” Further, the extent of disinformation “exceeds Canada’s current capacity to address it effectively.”

The report called for an all-of-society approach to address it, specifically a strategic plan that leverages all available legislative, technical, and policy tools, and draws on existing best practices to improve resiliency.

Observers agree a more coordinated effort is needed.

“There needs to be a centralized policy [on education], and it should start in primary school,” says Ahmed Al-Rawi, an associate professor of news, social media, and public communication at Simon Fraser University.

“I urge the government to think harder about how to organize the work to help Canadians navigate these challenges.”

Part of the reason this country takes a decentralized approach to combating manipulation stems from concerns about government overreach and potential restrictions on freedom of expression. While the federal government acknowledges that more should be done to increase resiliency and points to the myriad regulations, government departments, and initiatives that form part of its fightback, there is no dedicated ministry.

Under Heritage Canada, the Digital Citizen Initiative provides funding to civil society programs and researchers that promote media literacy and study disinformation. At Global Affairs, the Rapid Response Mechanism identifies and responds to targeted interference from abroad. 

Despite its ad hoc approach, Canada remains a top global performer in combating disinformation, ranking ninth in the expanded 2026 Media Index. Indeed, Canada was a pioneer in media literacy as one of the first countries in the world to have a media awareness week, well before it became a global standard.

Lack of political will

Experts say a lot has changed in the last couple of years, turning the government’s attention elsewhere. 

 “They have not been that active recently due to the changes in government, which is understandable, but they should do more," says Al-Rawi. 

"There are clear threats.”

Matthews says there’s little indication that Ottawa is willing to devote resources to fighting propaganda. 

“I don't know if it sees disinformation as being as much of a threat as some other experts.”

That includes Justice Hogue. In her analysis of foreign interference, she said the federal government must be more active in safeguarding democratic institutions and in preparing society. 

Delhon thinks Canada should allocate some of its national defence budget to promoting civic education.

“We do not have a robust infrastructure to support an informed citizenry,” she says.

“We are in a place where Canadians are defenceless in being able to assess behaviour online that is fake.”

‘Open season for disinformation’

American social media platforms like X (formerly Twitter), Instagram, TikTok, and YouTube are now major sources of news for Canadians. However, there is little incentive for these firms to self-police and stop malicious actors. Their business models depend on ever-increasing amounts of outrage — or outrageousness — to keep eyeballs on the screen.

There is also no shortage of options for those who seek to manipulate. “Spamouflage” exploits newly created or hijacked social media accounts, while digital “astroturfing” creates fake grassroots campaigns designed to appear like public opinion. Slopaganda is also having a moment as pro-Iranian propaganda videos feature Lego soldiers in explosive viral clips.

These tools are particularly worrying in the run-up to Alberta’s referendum, which may include questions about separating from the rest of Canada. A new incident response report from the Canadian Digital Media Research Network found Slopaganda is being used to sell secession to Albertans. The report identified a coordinated network of 20 inauthentic YouTube channels targeting audiences in the province with nearly 40 million views. CBC News has found that several of the channels are run by people in the Netherlands.

“It’s open season for disinformation targeting Canadians,” says Matthews.

“I could see some voices saying: here is an opportunity to fragment Canada.”

To combat what’s happening, he says, funding independent civil society organizations, think tanks, and other non-partisan groups that monitor disinformation would be a positive step. This is especially important because the United States — once a leader in disinformation research — has stopped financing programs. The Canadian government needs to fill that void.

“This is highly important at a time when we have open examples of foreign interference, like the MAGA movement in Alberta,” Matthews says.

Is the arm of the law long enough?

In terms of legislation in the disinformation sphere, in March, the government introduced the Strong and Free Elections Act, which takes aim at deepfakes.

However, when it comes to regulating platforms, the government seems wary of another fight with a Trump administration that is focused on protecting Canada's technology sector. The proposed legislation has moved away from forcing platforms to monitor and take action for disinformation to a more targeted, criminal-focused approach. 

The main goal of the Online Harms Act, which died when Parliament dissolved in early 2025, was to make social media platforms responsible for the content they host and to create a regulator with real bite. The legislation wasn’t without its challenges. Bill C-9, the Combating Hate Act, currently working its way through Parliament, is mainly focused on illegal activities.

However, some think the government needs to pass stricter legislation to force platforms to take responsibility for content.

“We want a digitally literate population, but we also want to ensure that they have access to information ecosystems that are secure and reliable,” says Delhon.

“That will only come through regulating these platforms in the public interest.”